by Florian Mayr
"Gundremmingen, Heimatbuch einer schwäbischen Gemeinde an der Donau",
(Native village book of a Swabian Municipality)
Publishing house: Anton H. Konrad,
Weißenhorn, 200
pages including chronicle of houses.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Gundremmingen became widely known at the beginning of the 19th century due to
the Catholic minister Ignaz Lindl. He was born on 3 October 1774 a son of
the wealthy restaurant-operating couple Urban and Monika Lindl1, the later
born at Friedl, in Baindlkirch near Friedberg. From this marriage nine
children followed. Ignaz was the favorite of his mother, she died on 20
April 1782. His father's second marriage was to Elizabeth Naehel on 8 April
1783. Thus the numerous children received a new mother. The name Lindl
occurs in Baindlkirch for the first time on 5 October 17372. On this day
George Lindl married Maria Pentenriederin who was born in Bandlkirch on 17
June 1711, she had received a very large house including the land from her
parents. It is not well known from where George Lindl came - probably from
the area of Baindlkirch. The restaurant and 150 tagwerk (field measure) of
farm land was sold by the family Lindl in the year 1916 to a person named
Einstein. Probably due to economic reasons. Lindl then acquired a
restaurant in Friedberg . The restaurant name "Lindlwirt" was preserved in
Baindlkirch.
As a boy, Ignaz was intelligent and able to attend school in Baindlkirch like his
brothers and sisters. We do not know whether he ever attended high school.
Lindl studied at St. Salvator Exjesuitenkolleg at Augsburg and in Dilligen.
The 18 May 1799 he became a priest. He then transferred to a free post as a
Kaplan (Clergyman) in his own residence: he held the post of a Vicar from
6 June 1800 until 4 May 1801, afterwards he was appointed Minister in
Baindlkirch. In the Spring 1818 Lindl was relieved from his duties in the parish
at Baindlkirch. It appears very doubtful, whether this was a good idea, to take
this position from an above average and talented priest who had spent almost
19 years of his childhood and youth there.
Lindl's followers (Linlianer)3 judged him as lively, strong willed, bustling and eager.
His physical build is told to be of medium size with a clear face; that
expresses a seriousness and a godly peace. In handling his fellow men he was
friendly and condescending, with a strong voice. Until approximately 1812
Lindl led his parish on the basis of using modern criteria of which his
superiors would not complain. He created different Brotherhoods, from whose
members he required an active role (love). His welfare service particularly
applied to all needy ones, the orphans, widows, old persons and the
handicapped. One heard of him again and again: "the left one is not to know
what the right one gives". Lindl was very socially adjusted.
In the year 1812 Martin Voelk4, born on 3 November in Eismannsberg near
Friedberg, came as chaplain into Lindl's parish. Voelk was very scholarly
and was considered one of the strongest personalities of the "arousing
movement". His sister Elizabeth bacame a helper in his household, and later
became Lindl's wife. Voelk persuaded Lindl with his ideas of the new
Arousing Movement. The latter also became acquainted with the Catholic
priests Johann Gossner, Martin Boos and other clergymen, which are to be
ranked among the relevant starters of the aroused ones. They were also very
close to important theologians such as Johann Michael Sailer, who from
1829-1832 was a bishop, from 1836-1842 an archbishop of Freiburg in
Breisgau, Christoph Schmidt and Ignaz Demeter.
The latter originated from the Demeter family who were owners of the property
Hygstetten in the Parish Gundremmingen from 1653 to 1873. The target of this
Christian movement was the revival of the religious life. Lindl propagated this
"arousing movement" with all his strength, he wrote popular books and he
particularly aimed to win the women and girls for the new movement.
He declares that the Holy Bible5 is a guide to the faith and the customs, without an
acknowledgement by the traditions and the church. Lindl states that everyone,
who does research work in the Holy Bible, receives assistance by the Holy Spirit
in order to be able to interpret it. With the services he put main interest on the lecture,
and he was fully conscious himself to the effect of his words.
In the booklet6, "The Core of the Christianity", written by him he says among other things:
"ten years long I have holy requirements under lightnings and thunders of God
announced from the pulpit however without fear - without conversion – without
transformation of the listeners". After each lecture, after each
Beichte (confession) and
Communion my Parish remained, the young and old alike. Due to this I became attentive,
and I research the reason. In the year 1812, it was the first time I was enlightened due to
the grace of the Lord concerning Evangelism, which I did not yet know to differentiate
from the Law.
Ich sah allmählich ein, daß ich die Pferde am Wagen der Göttlichen
Wahrheit verkehrt angespannt hatte:
darum ging es immer rückwärts statt
vorwärts. Neu belebt durch diese Erkenntnis, fing ich an, das
Evangelium -
oder Christus den lebendig machenden Geist - den
Toten-Erwecker und Seligmacher dem Volke zu verkündigen,
und gleich mit
dem Beginn dieser Predigt wirkte Gottes Geist in den Herzen der
Zuhörer." Dies verursachte
Aufsehen, Zulauf und die verschiedenen
Gespräche der Menschen - gute und böse - nach Art ihrer Beschaffenheit.
Die Predigten, die Lindl berühmt machten, fanden nicht immer die
Zustimmung der oberen Kirchenbehörde.
Daher wurde ihm zunächst die
Verteilung religiöser Schriften verboten und sein ihm ergebener Kaplan
Völk
wurde 1815 nach Uffing versetzt 7. Zu dieser Zeit
weilte der Münchener Mediziner Dr. Nepomuk von Ringseis
etwa eine Woche
bei Pfarrer Lindl in Baindlkirch. Von Ringseis schrieb einen
begeisterten Bericht über den
Prediger Lindl. Das Schriftsück wurde
auch in Norddeutschland bekannt.
Über Ringseis ging die Verbindung zu Friedrich Karl von Savigny, zu
dessen Schwager Clemens Brentano zu
den Teilhabern der Freiheitskriege
Adolf von Thadden und Karl von Lancicolle. Sie alle haben Lindl
aufgesucht
und waren von ihm stark beeindruckt. Auf einer Reise nach
dem Süden machte auch der spätere preussische
Kultsminister Moritz
Bethmann von Hollweg bei Lindl eine kurze Rast. Diese Besuche aus
Norddeutschland
blieben nicht ohne Einfluss auf das evangelische
Christentum.
A minister from the neighborhood reports Lindl in 1817, because by his
activity he is endangering the church and domestic peace. The Bavarian
Ministry along with the Ordinariat Augsburg required the removal of Lindl
from his Parish in Baindlkirch, and then he had to answer for himself at the
Generalvikariat Augsburg regarding his Vicarage in the Catholic Church.
During this procedure Lindl lived with the cathedral minister Marguard
Pichler, which had to supervise him. Pichler was in tune with Lindl, and
with his agreement Lindl, who had visited in former times, secretly met
with he Allgaeuer arousing movement cared for him in Augsburg. He became
acquainted with the Baron von Berckheim, son-in-law of the Baltic Baroness
von Kruedener. He had good relations with the Russian Emperor Alexander 1
and is able to stir his interest in the Allgaeuer arousing movement.
Berckheim was the first to indicate Lindl employment in Russia.
With "reskript" (decree)9 from 20 April 1818, which was signed by King Max
Joseph personally, it was arranged that
a) Lindl could not return to the Parish Baindlkirch,
b) Lindl is to be moved to a Parish far away from Baindlkirch in the upper
Danube at the seat of a regional court or in the proximity of such.
c) Lindl is to be placed under exact supervision of the religious and lay authorities.
The decision to lose his Parish, which was the place of his birth, his first
effectiveness as chaplain and priest, that place, for which he made so many
sacrifices, this might have caused depressive impressions on soft-minded
Lindl. With Lindl his main concerns were predominately religious. One finds
it strange therefore, that the regulations proceeded not with the church
authority, but from the King or with the Ministry. This happened because of
the national omnipotence at that time and the national church regiment. On
27 May 1818 Lindl got the royal transport writing, which ordered him to the
minister of Gundremmingen. Right away on 28 May 1818 his canonical
installation took place in the parish Gundremmingen. Lindl starts at his new
parish on 1 June 1818. After solemn chute into the church St. Martin he
spoke about other things to the many people present in the Parish:
"I can understand, if most of you receive me with doubts, since there are
such bad rumors about me. Also I begin this ministry with shyness, actually
my teachings are Evangelical, and I am ready to be a martyr for the gospel."
With the new minister the Augsburger cathedral minister Pichler came to
Grundremmingen also, and gave Lindl a praising speech and treated him as if
he were a martyr for his faith convictions. Pichler also had the opinion:
Lindl is a man, who has much and also knows how to give much.
The new minister was placed under the eye of the royal land judge Schill in
Dillingen and his religious "watchdog" became treasurer Franz Schuster from
Gloett and minister Gach in Rettenbach. Lindl was a free spirit who did not
adhere to the instructions of his superiors. With great eagerness he
fulfilled his office, and by his impressive lectures he quickly won the
hearts of his parishoners. The ones he taught not only in the church, but
also in private homes and circles. Thus it was in a short time over almost
all of Gundremmingen. The secret meetings in which the Bible was usually
read and laid out, were forbidden of the church and lay authorities. His
services were visited by many religiously interested people including
numerous protestants. They wanted to hear above all his detailed lectures.
In these sets Lindl wins rapidly faithful followers, to which belong the
businessman CH F. Werner11 from Giegen near Brenz. He was for many years
director/conductor of the "hours" in his homeland municipality. The wealthy
and outstanding businessman remains a faithful friend and co-worker of
Lindl, with him during the emigration and an indispensable aid with his whole
strength and with his fortune.
Lindl was often invited to be a preacher on Holydays . He preached at the
New Year celebration in the afternoon 1819 in Aislingen 2 1/2 hours, at
12 o'clock it was already overcrowded . Lindl spoke in Gundelfingen before
approximately 6000 listeners, among them were many Lutherans from the
neighboring Wuerttemburg area12. Then he spoke some days later at the three-
king celebration. With the Pietisten Lindl maintained a lively communication.
Anna Schlatter13, who was a friend of Lindl, writes about his successes in
Gundremmingen: "He causes wonders with conversions at the Danube, like they
once traveled to Kapernaum, in order to hear Jesus, this is the way they traveled
from all cities to Gundremmingen to hear Lindl". Summer of 1819 soon after his
arrival his following was so strong that Lindl could no longer preach in the church.
Many people hung on the walls near all the windows to hear his speech outside the
church. When Gossner14 had to move to Duesseldorf due to the pressure of the
Bavarian government in Munich, on 12 September 1819 he visaited his friend Lindl
in Grundremmingen. His report on Lindl: "In the previous evening the place
that is all houses, was already full of pilgrims. And through the whole
night even more people came. Early at 4 o'clock they went uphill to the
church, at 5 o'clock the church was full, no more people could get inside.
Quarter to Six o'clock, when I went uphill , there were more people outside
the church than inside the church, they stood on ladders at the windows of
the church and looked inside, and I needed a guard to come through the crowd".
In agreement Lindl's Gossner preached in the open air in front of an innumerable
quantity of people, an eye - witness estimated the crowd to be around 15000.
In Gundremmingen Lindl was on the climax of his parish work. He looked up and
found close links to the lay authorities, the new municipality chief Stephen
Proebstle thought well of him and became one of his most eager followers.
The land judge Schill from Dillingen, who should supervise Lindl, almost
became his protector. Not all Gundremmingen agreed with the activity of
their minister, because his actions and lectures were ever more in contrast
to the catholic faith. This did not remain hidden from his religious and lay
superiors, so again they started proceedings against Lindl, as he realized
this he went to Munich and discussed the details of his immediate removal to
Petersburg with the Russian envoy Baron von Berckheim. While in Petersburg
Lindl no doubt negotiated the emigration of the followers. The representative
of Russia had at that time among other things the function to enlist German
colonists. Lindl returned to his parish and made preparation for his departure.
With each opportunity Lindl asked his followers to emigrate to Russia, and many
declared to follow his call.
Concerning the planned emigration Lindl's, minister Walter from Burgau15 wrote
on 26 September 1819 to his friend Alois Fischer:
"God gives Lindl's end is near, otherwise the misery becomes greater. With
each day Lindl's followers grew more strong and numerous and his defenders
will express more boldly and more impudently". On the day mentioned above,
Lindl held a lecture again, and at the end he suddenly shouted:
"Gundremmingen, Gundremmingen! You and your neighbors accused me, you had not
enough place in the church, only short patience. You will soon have enough
room in it, not only when standing or sitting, you even will be able to lie
down in your church. But when the day of Last Judgement comes, it will be
obvious". These words were regarded by most listeners as the parting
lecture, while others thought it might be a prolouge. Among the people, his
followers, a dreadful crying developed. Also the present Lutherans cried
loudly, and Lindl poured tears likewise. The remaining people were without
emotion.
Limdl's stay in Gundremmingen lasted only one and a half years, even though
he remained as long as possible at the minicipality loved by him, from which
he did not separate willingly. His last lectures, Christian teachings and
discussions were moving. When preparations for his departure were finished,
his municipality asked him not to drive away from the village, but to walk so
that they could all accompany him, and be with him to receive his benediction
once more. Lindl was treated by his followers as a holy, as a martyr and as
a victim of persecution because of his faith to Christ. His departure16 took place
on Monday 18 October 1819. At the yard of the parish church, from where he
often preached, the whole municipality met, in front of the others the children,
who should accompany the leaving person singing. As they walked from the church
yard the old and young sang and cried, individual outbreaks of the pain were to be
heard. When the school teacher gave a sign for the children to sing, they did not
bring out a sound, instead they cried loudly.
Lindl's traveling companions were: The young protestant Lorenz Steinmann from
St. Gallen, his housekeeper Elizabeth Voelk and the servant Veronika. First they
went across Lauingen to Giengen on the Brenz River. In both places many
Gundremmingen folks had appeared, among them also was Benefiziat Nerlinger,
who was called "Herrle von Baumgarten".( little master from that place).
Lindl obligated him by a solemn handshake to care for the remaining people as
he (Lindl) had done earlier. Nerlinger gave his promise and was the head of the
Philadelphic (loving) Municipality Gundremmingen and her surroundings.
In Giengen, Lindl was enthusiastically received by many Lutheran Pietists and
protestant ministers. The same day Lindl wrote to the Gundremmingers17 and
thanked them for the touching farewell party, which he would never forget, and
asked them to always remain with Lindl's teachings.
The Russian government had provided for a comfortable journey which led from
Giengen across Stuttgart, Berlin, Northern Germany to the Russian boundary and
on to Petersburg. On instruction of the prince Gallitzin Lindl received 500 Golddukaten
(money) as fare18. The travelers received a friendly reception at the Russian
boundary. Their numerous pieces of luggage were not checked because the duty
officials had been given special orders not to do so. On Monday, 15 November
1819, Lindl with his company arrived safe and sound at Petersburg with a
cordial reception. Prince Gallitzin, who was responsible for the affairs of
the denominations, found the land minister friendly and affectionate, but he
requested religious benediction from Lindl before beginning the conversation.
A large honor was given him, as he was given an audience with the emperor.
The Emperor received Lindl in large humility, knelt down in front of him and
spoke: "father, give your benediction to me!"19 The audience took a full
hour. Lindl's desire was to create in the south his own municipality. With
this plan he also met the agreement of the Emperor.
Lindl was working at full capacity on spiritual welfare, but Russian hospitality
took much of his free time. The normal busy way of life in the metropolitan city
did not allow him become as domestic here. In addition came the annoyance with
the Dominikanian monks, who tried with all their means to remove Lindl from
his influential post. He however found protection by the Roman (catholic)
archbishop, who rejected the attacks of the monks. He did have to answer for
himself before the bishop and submit copies of his lectures. After expelling
the Jesuits in the spring of 1820 there was a vacancy for a job as "visitor"
for the catholic settlements in south Russia. On suggestion of the prince
Gallitzin, Lindl was appointed on 13 April 1820 as Visitor20 of New Russia and
as Propst of the catholic church in Odessa. His successor in Petersburg was
Gossner, who has been active in Duesseldorf.
In the last evening before his departure from Petersburg Lindl invited his friends
to his home and he had prepared a great surprise for them. When the guests were
in a festive mood, Lindl stepped in from an adjoining room, arm in arm with his
solemnly decorated bride Elizabeth Voelk. Lindl asked Gossner to give them the
benediction. The friends were very surprised, and Gossner could not resist
giving the benediction to the bride and groom. The groom told his opinion, that he
breaks the celibacy with agreement of God and following his will. On the next day
Lindl left for Odessa with his wife and arrived there May 1820. His salary was
determined at 3000 rubles, in addition there was a generous amount for his housing
needs etc.
Lindl went with large expectations to Odessa, his new place of service, but instead
he experienced one disappointment after the other. Since Lindl did not make a
secret about his Evangelic conviction, the catholics distrusted him and the
new visitot and gave him problems. He also found great contradiction on the
part of the catholic dignitaries. Service at church and preaching were
forbidden to him. In this time twice the windows were broken, this was
certain evidence of his unpopularity. Since his life was no longer safe,
from Petersburg instruction regarding his safety was issued. These incidents
became known in Rome, a mixed commission was to examine and take care of the
situation. The result was, that he was relieved of his duties as visitator
and Propst of Odessa21.
Lindl's attempts to spread his modern teachings in the German catholic settlements
of south Russia were not accepted as well as in his homeland. From Odessa, Lindl on
9 August 1821 went as Pfarrverweser (curate in charge of the church parrish) into the
catholic municipality Rastatt. There his first lecture was alright, but the second
service displeased the people and after the third lecture, where he had denied the
virginity of Mary, thus three settlers informed against him. They would no
longer allow him any more official acts. A man even threatened to shoot
Lindl, if he enters the pulpit. Since Lindl in Rastatt could not contain
himself, he went into the colony München, which belonged to the parish
Rastatt. there several families had previously given up the catholic
confession. In privacy of a home Lindl held meetings, spoke of the coming
realm of God and within a short time won 30 families as followers. He also
cared for the lutheran settlements which were in the neighborhood. In some
places people did not care for him, the people armed themselves with scythes
and forks and kept Lindl from accessing the settlements.
Again,Lindl had to see, that his endeavors for conversion were not particulary
successful with the catholic settlers. Therefore he pursued the establishment of
an independent municipality with a larger eagerness to follow his own priniciples.
An estate was assured to him near Ovidiopol, where he wanted to establish a
colony with a church and a seminary for preachers. Here preachers should be
trained for south Russia and for the catholic colonies at the Volga. This great
project was not realized due to different reasons.
Under the rule of empress Kaharina 2nd, (1762-1769) and Tsar Alexander 1st,
(1801-1825) Russia conquered large areas in the southeast and the south,
which were weakly populated. Therefore a greater interest furthering immigration.
The basis for the Russian policy of colonizastion formed the manifesto by Katharina II
from 22 July 1763, which her successors would partially apply.
The empress was endeavored to get as rapidly as possible many people from
Germany into the country. With all possible means under the responsibility of
the Russian envoy in Germany there was propaganda for emigration.
The paid agents were rivals when chasing emigration willing people.
They tried to win them from everywhere, even from the pulpits by
telling the advantages of the new residential areas which were being
pointed out. In this manner about 25000 people came to the Volga
region. Tsar Alexander 1st issued in 1804 new guidelines for the settlement of
German colonists in south Russia, which in the peace treaty of Bucharest on
20 February 1812 they also gained Bessarabia22, (named after the Romanian
dynasty of prince Bessarab"). The number of immigrants was highly limited,
desired were only the efficient and wealthy farmers and craftsmen. The
willing emigrants had to announce themselves to the Russian representatives
and submit to them official papers, such as: Passports, certification
concerning a good reputation for their way of life, a certificate or a safe
endorsement that he was worth a fortune in cash or goods of at least 300
guldens. Those who could not prove the cash asset, or the childless maried
couples and the unmarried was simply excluded from the immigration.
The latter were only allowed to enter if they were included in another family.
The emigrants should travel in groups of 20-30 families at the expense of the
Russian government and under the guidance of a leader elected by themselves.
There was the possibility of sending delegates for exploring the selected
settlement before their departure. This was not necessary for the emigrants
from the former domain of Lindl, because he was already active for some
time in Odessa. His numerous written calls to his friends in the old
homeland to follow him to Russia were received enthusiastically. The
requests for emigration and the special privileges and rights23 caused a
movement among his followers. The moto was: "Lets go to Russia".
In the Lauingen shrovetide course the young masked shouted: "Hue. ohueo to
Russia without socks and without shoes! witch to pick up. Witch at the wire.
Look like the cart goes: They marched to Russia with flowers and bouquet.
And come from there with rags and lice!
The strong advertising campaign started. The line of the organization for
the forthcoming mass emigration was situated in the hands of the buyer Werner
in Giegen, which was very much supported by the bookbinder Jakob Mayr from
Lauingen.
Wuerttemberg did not make it difficult for the willing emigrants, but Bavaria
with all her might had tried to keep her people from emigrating. This comes
from several orders of the presidency of the government of the upper Danube.
One writes on 1 March 1820 to the land judge Ott in Lauingen - corresponding:
"one took to the knowledge that in the regional court district Lauingen
activities of mystical leaders succeeded so far, that they already have won
several families for their emigration. For us, each citizen is legally
entitled to freedom of conscience and we do not want to pursue the religious
dreamers. We can not wait, while foreigners entice royal subjects by false
specifications from their native country. These foreigners include the
bookbinder Werner in Giegen/Wuerttemberg and others. Bookbinder Mayr put off
the willing emigrants with the fact that prince Gallitizen (with the Bavairan
government) will support the journey because of redemption of negotiations
and cash advances. Because of this Mayr and several other willing emigrants
are to be asked if Lindl influences directly or indirectly, and who is the
person who leads the correspondence with Lindl from Wuerttemberg or Bavaria.
The emigration addicted may indicate the reasons for the planned settlement
in Russia. They are to be carefully treated and to be told the unfortunate
fates of the former emigrants of Baden and Wuerttemberg to Russia. They
should also be told that it is an illusion to believe that the desert steppes
of Russia is the lucky country. No one is to be worried by this meeting, one
only wants to protect them from disasters. The Gienger business men (around
Werner) or other well known foreigners, notorious seducers are to be arrested
when entering the regional court district immediately, and to be remanded to
the presidency. On this occasion the royal land judge with all intelligence
has, without asking the concerned directly to question intensively, whether
he wants to have a religion separate from catholic and protestant, and does
he want to educate his own religious chiefs and teachers. Concerning this
they have to indicate their opinion whether it and the preservation of the
order benefically judge this separation to be advisable and is it positive
for the order of the country24.
The seduction of the state subjects for emigration could be considered
political crimes and punishable with two to eight years imprisonment after
the Bavarian penal code #306 was applied. According to titles IV, 14 in
Bavaira constitution the emigration was permitted to another Federal State,
if it wanted to make the emigrant a subjects of its own and if the person had
fulfilled the legal commitments against his past native country. To this
belonged:
a) that military and land military have been fulfilled.
b) all debts, both personal and those rising from the municipality federation had
to be satisfied or an appropriate bail be placed.
c) to the local debts, also included are those to the war loads.
d) property sales out of court were legally invalid.
e) conveyance of title must only take place under legal conditions.
f) the under age emigrant with no individual parent is permitted.
g) the request for emigration is for each willing person individually, the
request through a third person is not admissable. Whoever emigrates
secretly, has to expect to be stopped as a vagabond and brought as a vagrant to
the reformatory in Kaisheim.
With the publication of these regulations the land judges were again assigned
the arrangement of special attention to the secret connections in the foreign
country and to emigration solicitors. The advertisement for emigration to
south Russia was a full success. Lindl's friends from the Giengen area
announced themselves very numerously to the Oberamt (upper administration)
Heidenheim. On the other hand, in the Bavarian Swabia from Günzburg,
Gundelfingen, Aislingen, Glott, Haunsheim, Peterswoerth, Offingen,
Baechingen/Benz, Burgau, Lauingen and Gundremmingen, several hundred
requests were asked at the responsible regional courts. Gundremmingen alone
had 180 people be noted for the emigration. The reasons enumerated in the
requests were mostly of a religious nature, in addition, the then bad
economic position of the mercenaries and craftsman might have played a
substantial role. The Gundremmingers indicated as a reason: since we poor
Christian souls are to pursuers enemies, a steady thorn in the eye, an impact
and annoyance and since this will remain, so long as we live among them
futhermore". The people heard by the regional court Lauingen justified their
project with "an internal impulse, a voice of God, the will of the Lord,
their struggle for the souls welfare"26.
The efforts of the religious and lay authorities to divert the willing emigrants
of their project were all in vain. Also the sharp monitoring of the "solicitors"
could not prevent the current instruction by Lind's followers. Also the sharp
monitoring of the "solicitors" could not prevent the current instruction of Lindl's
followers. At the end of July 1820 a command of the gendarmerie27 consisting
of a Brigadier and two men, was shifted to Gundremmingen, which was
considered a focal point of the emigration movement. The gendarmes had
to control all travelers strictly, and arrange arrests if necessary to display
with statement of illegal meetings with their author and user to report all
occurences, which were connected with the emigration, to the regional court
Dillingen. It is unknown, how long the gendarmerie remained in Gundremmingen.
The requests of the willing emigrants to the government were often drafted by
Werner, he also gave advice how to obtain further papers. Werner received
the message from Russia that the emigrants were to get a large support after
their arrival. For this purpose 30,000 rubles were deposited in Odessa.The
good message was joyous for the willing emigrants. Because the requests for
emigration bookbinder Mayr was heard on 29 July 1820 by the regional court
Lauingen28. He indicated: "On 20 of this month a carpenter of Gundremmingen
(Offenwanger) came early in the morning at 9:00 o'clock to see me at my
dwelling and showed me 4 individual letters with addresses to the regional
courts Dillingen, Lauingen, Guenzburg and urgau which was hand written by
tradesman Werner, I do not know by whom they were drafted, by Werner himself
or secretary v. Herneck in Munich. The carpenter did not report that he had to
transfer these 4 writings to statement of the tradesman Werner of Dillingen to the
lawyer Beer for legalization, he left the office, went to Dillingen and returned with
the message again for me in the afternoon at half 4 o'clock that the lawyer Beer
refused and said the legalization, all 4 writings would have to be quadrupled
on stamp paper to be written. The carpenter was fatigued, he wanted me to go
to Giengen to Mr. Werner and to indicate to him these doubts regarding the 4
writings. I began my way immediately after 4 o'clock in the stormy weather,
the likewise willing emigrant Haeussler of Haunsheim harnessed the car, and
we both arrived in the evening at 7 o'clock in Giengen at Mr. Werner's.
Tradesman Werner instructed me these rewritings are not necessary, and said
to present the one conception to the regional court Lauingen, after
collecting signatures of the emigrants there and to send the remaining 3
conceptions to the carpenter to Gundremmingen.
I arrived at home Friday 21st early at 2 o'clock and in the evening at 7
o'clock I transferred three further conceptions to the day laborer at
Bollenbauers in Gundremmingen. He was to transfer them to the carpenter.
What the carpenter was now to do is still unknown to me. I sign only the
conception in the return of Giengen from the emigrants to Haunsheim and from
the persons living here and sent them to Gundelfingen for further transport,
addressed to the regional court Lauingen, to Peterswoerth and Baechingen for
signatures. After this was collected, I transferred the conceptions to the
regional court Lauingen.
To the Bavarian government the activities of tradesman Werner were "a thorn
in the eye". However, since it was not able to proceed against the subjects
from Wuerttemberg themselves, they lodged a complaint with the
Wuerttembergian government and let its envoy present a relevant note29. Werner
was questioned several times in the future. It was stated that he corresponds with
Lindl and facilitates the project of willing emigrants and that he has decided to
emigrate at a given time to Russia. The government could not find anything
punishable in the behavior of Werner when providing the organization
of emigration.
The government of Munich was informed of this.
The Wuerttemburgers received permission for the emigration to Russia
in the early summer of 1820. Entry permission into Russia was received on 23
June 1820. Soon thereafter the first group under the guidance of peat master
Nille the departure began. On 9 March 1821 the approval came for the
Gundremmingen group to emigrate. The travel began joyfully, In accordance
with the instruction of the royal regional court Dillingen from 28 July 1821,
the following emigrants had to appear in Lauingen and to begin on the same
day their departure on 31 July (route was by land).
From the royal regional court Dillingen.
A) family of Michael Bair of Gundremmingen consisting of:
1. Michael Bair, 30 years old.
2. Maria Bair, his wife, 22 years old.
3. Michael Bair, their child, 1/2 year old.
B) family of Leonhard Offenwanger of Gundremmingen
4. Leonhard Offenwanger, 56 years old.
5. Maria Offenwanger, his wife, 56 years old.
their children:
6. Katharina Offenwanger, 25 years old.
7. Alois Offenwanger, 24 years old.
8. Agnes Offenwanger, 22 years old.
9. Maria Offenwanger, 18 years old.
10. Joseph Offenwanger, 14 years old.
C) family of the Joseph Schwarzmann of Gundremmingen, consisting of:
11. Joseph, 40 years old.
12. Magdalena Schwarzmann, his wife, 49 years old.
their children
13. Anna Stroblin. step daughter, 23 years old.
14. Joseph Schwarzmann, 18 years old.
15. Kreszenz Schwarzmann, 16 years old.
16. Johann Schwarzmann, 15 years old.
17. Maria Schwarzmann, 14 years old.
18. George Schwarzmann, 12 years old.
19. Joseph Kaspar Schwarzmann, 4 months old.
D) Family George Boeck of Gundremmingen, consisting of:
20. Johann Boeck, 48 years old.
21. Barbara Boeck, marriage woman, 47 years old.
22. Johann Michael Boeck, 16 years old.
23. Augustin Boeck, 3 years old.
E) family George Moll of Gundremmingen, consisting of:
24. George Moll, 45 years old.
25 Anna Maria Moll, his wife, 42 years old.
26. Franziska Moll, 15 years old.
27. Maria Moll, 13 years old.
28 Leonhard Moll, 10 years old.
29. Kreszentia Moll, 7 years old.
30. Joh. Evangelist Moll, 5 years old.
31. Theres Moll, 2 years old.
From the regional court Guenzburg:
George Schmucker from Offingen with 1 woman and 3 children.
From the regional court Burgau:
Johann Strehle of Schnuttenbach with 1 woman and 4 children.
From the regional court Lauingen:
Anton Waldenmair of Lauingen with 1 woman and 3 children.
Johann Walter of Peterswoerth with 1 woman and 3 children.
Balthes Blatter of Gundelfingen with 1 woman and 5 children
the widow Anna Wiedermann from there with 4 children.
The group was led by Joseph Schwarzmann and had the following prescribed
route to take going to Bavaria: Donauwoerth 31 July arriving in the evening
at 5 o'clock; Neustadt on 1 August arriving in the evening at 6 o'clock; Vohburg on 2
August arriving in the evening; Abach on 3 August arriving in the evening;
via Regensburg to Plattling arriving in the evening; Osterhofen on 6 August
arriving in the evening; via Vilshofen to Passau on 7 August arriving in the
evening; on 8 August with Engelhartzell across the Bavarian boder. The rest
of the way was led through Austria - Hungary - Romania - Moldau - Odessa,
which was arrived after approximately 10 weeks.
The second group under the leadership of bookbinder Jakob Mayr of Lauingen
began its departure on 5 September 1821, they were prescribed the same route
as the first group. Among the group Mayr shortly after departure from
Lauingen raised some discrepancies. On 26 November 1824 the Rueckkehrer ( a
person who returned to Germany) Alois Proell of Lauingen indicated among
other things to the parish office Gundremmingen:30 Kolonnenfuehrer (leader)
Mayr of Lauingen, gave the order that the rich emigrants had to go ahead,
after them the poorer ones, which had to travel with the Russian-imperial
cash, the latter were embarrassed, because even in this way the first could
beg everything and they did, that's why the following poorer emigrants could
receive nothing or very little, thus the formerly marching emigrants had
already exhausted everything by their beggings. Already in Neustadt/Danube
there were disputes about "cross making" and "Ave Maria rose pray"31, some
scoffed at it, others however wanted to keep it.
When the first and second column arrived at Odessa, Lindl was in parish Rastatt.
The emigrants were disappointed very much with their arrival, because Lindl did
not come to the border to welcome them as was promised. The Lindlians were
partly accommodated provisionally in the city, which had at that time about
4.000 inhabitants, or in German settlements already existing, the catholics in
Kleinliebenthal and the others in Grossliebenthal.
The immigrants living in the city could care for their living costs by acceptable
earning facilities, but the others were dependent on the charity and the sense of
sacrifices by the German settlers. Nevertheless often there was large misery and some
bitter disappointments prevailed. The first misery letters arrived at home
during those times. Some considered their return, which succeeded, only to a
few with the help of their relatives.
The following returnees are known:
Johann Hamel. Gundelfingen.
Johan Walther, Peterswoerth.
Jakob Mayr, Lauingen.
George Stadleer, Lauingen.
Johann Huber, Lauingen.
Alois Proell, Lauingen.
Barbara Seltzer, widow, Lauingen.
Under the pressure of his followers in spring 1822 Lindl started the
preparations for the establishment of their own colony. In the valley of the
Sarata they were assigned a land strip of 4 hours long and 3/4 hours broad.
On 20 March 1822 Lindl went with approximately 70 families, approximately
half of them Wuerttembergers and half Bavarian, and traveled with 50
tent-wagons from Odessa into the assigned area, and arrived there 1 April.
Near a well the cars and the animals were set up in a circle. Adults and
children met in the center around the dear father Lindl. All fell on the
knees and thanked God. Lindl held a moving speech, he spoke of the longing
after the old homeland, with desperation and anxious concern over the future.
His words raised them (their hearts), his reminders to agreement and
confidence in God found open hearts. After this all had to testify by handshake
that they will recognize him to be leader in religious and secular affairs.
On the next day a suitable workstation for the system of the settlement was
selected, which became named after the small river Sarata. The construction
work was executed under Lindl's leadership. Die Steine wurden in der Nähe aus der
Erde gebrochen, das Holz holte man aus Akkerman, und zum Decken der Häuser nahm man
das reichlich vorhandene Schilf. Bis zum Herbst waren die Häuser unter Dach, auch das
Haus des Pfarrers und ein geräumiger Betsaal waren bis zum Einbruch des Winters fertiggestellt.
Bis dahin wurden die täglichen Andachten oder Gottesdienste vor dem Zelt Lindls abgehalten.
On the 25 July 1822 the last group under the guidance of Michael Wagner from
Lauingen started their journey to Russia. On Bavarian soil the way led
across Augsburg, Pasing, Parsdorf, Haar, Muehldorf, Altoetting, and
Simmbach/Inn across the border of Austria. The destination was Sarata.
Among this group was the family of the Joseph Oberlander from Gundremmingen,
consisting of:
1. Joseph Oberlander, 49 years old.
2. Margarethe Oberlander, his wife, 46 years old.
their children
3. Joseph Oberlander, 17 years old.
4. Margaretha Oberlander, 16 years old.
5. Mathias Oberlander, 12 years old.
6. George Oberlander, 9 years old.
7. Michael Oberlander, 7 years old.
8. Maria Oberlander, 6 years old.
B) family Anton Moll of Gundremmingen, consisting of:
9. Anton Moll, 33 years old.
10. Magdalena Moll, his wife, 29 years old.
Their children:
11. George Moll, 6 years old.
12. Max Joseph Moll, 3 years old.
13. Leo Moll, 2 years old.
C) Family Xaver Gebhardt of Rieder, consisting of:
14. Xaver Gebhardt, 60 years old.
15. Viktoria Gebhardt, his wife, 53 years old.
Their children:
16. Maria Gebhardt, 22 years old.
17. Theresia Gebhardt, 14 Years old.
18. Sebastian Gebhardt, 9 years old.
With this group these people also went:
19. Johannes Moll, brother of Anton Moll, 47 years old, divorced.
20. Eleonora Klein, single, 21 years old.
D) Without royal approval on the 31 July 1821 these people emigrated to
Russia:
21. Joseph Wölfle, 28 years old.
22. Anton Böck, 19 years old.
23. Maria Anna Mair, 21 years old.
24. Maria Anna Demeter, 16 years old.
Thus altogether 56 persons from the parish Gundremmingen emigrated in the
years 1821-1822.
Soon after their arrival, Lindl gave a church order to his municipally.
Daily they were to have morning and evening devotion. Sunday was kept holy.
In the new municipally an active religious life was developed, which was
still deepened by prayer meetings in the homes. Religious writings were
distributed to all the families. During the service Lindl spoke with
preference about apocalyptic texts and preached with passion about penalty,
rebirth and revival. His words went to their hearts, and he often preached
in the open air with a loud voice before many listeners from near and far.
Many folks who heard Lindl felt aroused and converted. The arousing movement
took such form that the authority with "requirements and prohibitions" had to
intervene: There was little success.
Although there was much countryside available success was small. In the
spring of 1822 very little could be cultivated due to the severe winter.
Thus the harvest was meager. They had hoped for a mild winter and therefore
had only built a few cattle huts. Many quilts were needed. The snow
penetrated, due to the thin roofing, into the dwellings, and these could not
be heated adequately. Since nutrition was poor (corn being the most frequent
food) the drinking water was not good, and the poor clothing there were many
diseases and deaths. The time of settlement was a time of bitter distress,
and our emigrants were not much better off than the Russian Musenik living in
the area. During the time of this distress the last emigrants came from the
homeland with Werner and his friend Veygel from Giengen/Brenz. After all the
willing emigrants from the homeland had left, the supervisor Werner and his
partner Veygel started 2 May 1823 on their journey to Sarata34. There they
were received with large joy. Werner brought a considerable fortune along
and tried immediately to reduce the largest distress. He did not wait until
the poor people came to him, but he looked them up and gave amounts between
50 and 150 rubles. The benefactor tried to reduce the distress in all areas.
Werner was already 63 years old when he came to Sarata. Unfortunately he
could not help for long because of his death on 23 September 1823. Werner
knew what was necessary for the favorable development of the German
settlements. On his death bed he bequeathed, in a will, his whole fortune35 to
the municipality of Sarata in the presence of Veygel and Lindl.
The municipality received a new church from the legacy, and according to the
desire of the testator an institute was created in which orphan boys were
trained as school teachers and recorders for the German settlements and was
to be maintained freely at the expense of the institute. The institute was
later named "Werner School". It was the only German teacher educational
establishment of Bessarabia. Owing to this school establishment the
municipality Sarata could maintain its prominent position under the
municipalities in Bessarabia. This school was a cornerstone of the German
Culture in South Russia.
The year 1823 brought a further heavy loss for the municipality of Sarata.
When Lindl confirmed to the prince Gallitzin, that he wanted to withdraw from
the catholic church and to form an apostolic brother municipality for his
catholic and evangelical colonists, the Tsar ordered him expelled.
That also occured due to the changed political conditions in Petersburg. In
December Lindl had to leave Russia within three days. His departure was
generously financed. The parting from his municipality was very painful. In
his homeland Lindl changed officially to the Evangelist faith and became
first a teacher in an institute for missions and then helping pastors in
different municipalities in Wuppertal. After he had opposed the Evangelist
church in faith questions, he joined the sect of Nazarene's became their
preacher in Barmen. Here is where his wife Elizabeth died on 2 April 1841,
after he had lost his three children Johannes, Viktoria, and Samuel36. Now he
was very lonely. As a dreamer he propagated again the celibacy and praised
it. In Barmen he was visited by his friend Gossner, who had left Petersburg
also and had converted to the Evangelist faith. Gossner said about Lindl:"he
was well minded and always had the Lord in his eyes, only he trusted too much
in his own opinions". With his followers in his homeland and in Petersburg as
well as with his municipality Sarata he remained in active correspondence up
to his death on 31 October 1845.
After Lindls departure on 11 October 1804 religious care of the municipality
was temporarily transferred to Joseph Strehle, born in Schnuttenbach,
candidate of theology. His preaching was with the "near coming of the Lord"
and impressed the listeners and promoted those dreaming - chiliastic (church)
direction, the expectation of a thousand-year old realm toward Christ's
return. Many were convinced to have to prepare for the end and the second
coming of Christ that they neglected their families and economics. The
religious peace occured only in 182637, when all colonists professed themselves
to the Evangelical-Lutheran faith. Attempts to provide that catholics could
remain in their church was unsuccessful. After Lindl had left Sarata, the
administration of the political community was transferred to Gottlieb Veygel,
who had emigrated with Werner. He led the municipality with a safe hand and
created in the course of the years the bases for a healthy community.
The children diligently had to go to school and to church, and the young people
were not permitted to loaf about (to go ouside/) during darkness. Offenses were
strictly enforced and punished. At the festivities, like baptism, wedding etc.,
it was forbidden to enjoy celebrations for several days, like it
was usually done
in other settlements. In the municipality law and
order prevailed.
Ein Zeitgenosse sagte von den
Saratanern, daß von diesen Leuten ein wohltuender Friede und
eine
entgegenkommende Liebe entgegenwehe, die alle Rohheit verscheuche.
Veygel war für alle da, seine gute wirtschaftliche
Lage ermöglichte es ihm, allen Bedrängten zu helfen.
Seine besondere
Fürsorge galt den Witwen und Waisen. Volle 19 Jahre war er
unentgeltlich als Schulze
(Bürgermeister) tätig, und seine Gemeinde
zeichnete sich von allem anderen Gemeinden durch Fleiß
und Wohlstand
aus. Zu Beginn seiner Amtszeit als Schulze wurde die von Lindl
eingeführte Gütergemeinschaft,
bei der alle Arbeiten gemeinsam
geleistet und auch die Erträge unter allen gleichmäßig verteilt wurden,
wieder aufgehoben.
At the beginning of his office as a Mayor, the "goods community" as
organized before by Lindl - at which all work was carried out together and
also the yields were evenly distributed under all - was abolished". Each
settler received 60 Dessjatine country (1 Dßj.= 1.0925 hectars).
The soil contained Saltpeter (=nitre), which probably promoted a good grass
stand with plentiful rain in many places, but this had many disadvantages for
agriculture. This also applies to the quality of the water. Therefore there
are no forests in that area and no individual trees. Only in yards and fruit
orchards created by the settlers, and were called forests by the farmers.
Also the fruit trees and the common grape vines did not live long. The
settlers were about half Bavarian Swabians and about half Wuerttembergers.
The Bavarians were busy with agriculture and cattle breeding in the homeland,
while the Wuerttembergers were familiar with viticulture. When they
determined a prospering of mais-corn here, they saw therein a good sign for
the cultivation of vines. After being in Sarata just two years they created
vineyards. Their first attempts with viticulture were quite successful.
Their work was well rewarded. Just after four years with approximately 100
vineyards and fruit orchards satisfying yields were produced.
The Bavarian settlers noticed quite soon that not only beer tastes good, but
also the wine made by their fellow settlers was not bad. Bavarians were
willing apprentices of the Wuerttemburgers regarding viticulture. In Sarata
one wanted good, well tasting wine. So beside horses and cattle breeding,
viticulture became quite important for their source of income. Later in
Sarata there was the cultivation of grape vines in all the German settlements
in south Russia. In addition, our emigrants in Bessarabia gained prosperity
and reputation by their diligence and perseverance, but they were concerned
by the political and economic setbacks. The countries controlling Bessarabia
changed several times, this was unfavorable and difficult for the German
settlers. However they were faithful subjects, who would fulfill their
obligation to the state in war and peace times. The connection to the old
homeland was maintained, the native language and old customs. Therefore
the German soldiers were sometimes quite surprised in the First and Second
World War when they found pure German settlements in south Russia.
Occasionally descendants of the emigrants visited the homeland of their
ancestors. In the year 1906 Mr. Hobacher (his ancestors were from Bühl) from
Sarata visited the local parish office, visited "die Lindlstube" (Lindl's
room) and explained to the minister that all emigrant names of Gundremmingen
in Sarata still existed. And in the year 1935, Johannes Oberlander from
Sarata stayed with his relatives in Gundremmingen. A married couple,
Johannes and Luise Oberlander, maintained until 1943 moving exchanges of
letters with their cousins in Gundremmingen. From the partially still
available letters it follows that the letter writers with heart and soul were
farmers and were deeply attracted to their homeland Bessarabia. In all the
letters there was a strong feeling of confidence in God.
Bessarabia was occupied on 28 June 1940 by the Russians. Those resident
Germans were evacuated in an agreement between the German and Russian
government: they should settle in the Warthegau." (that's in Poland).
The migration back led the German's including the Sarata people through the
same countries Hungary, and Romania which their ancestors had crossed on
their march to the East years before". The returnees from Sarata were led
mainly to Jarotschin-Warthegau. Property was not transferred to them during
the war. The married couple Oberlander with family was enabled to do the
administration of a large agricultural company in Kottlau. By political orders
the Sarata girls were told to sing old Christmas Carols at Christmas in which the
name "Jesus" was to be omitted. The girls rejected this unjustified demand - letter
of 16 December 1943. In the winter 1944/45 most Germans, among them
Bessarabians, fled from the Warthegau toward the West. Descendants of the
Oberlander's live today in Kempten, Echterdingen and Crailsheim. Other names
of the former emigrants are not known up to now.
Also, as Lindl left Gundremmingen, religious and lay authorities observed the
sect with special attention. They tried to win the children of the Lindlianer for
the Catholic religious education. The municipalities around Gundremmingen
were reminded several times, that secret meetings for the practice of service at
home were forbidden by the religion edict to the constitutional charter of the
Kingdom of Bavaria of 1806 and to be aware in case of offenses on sensitive
fines or arrest in jail. The church authority from Augsburg on the fourth Sunday
after Whitsuntide 1853 instructed the Catholic Church in Gundremmingen to
exclude 20 people (names are unknown) from the Catholic Church because they
would not obey written orders. Gradually the excommunicated municipality
members turned back again to the Catholic Church. Thus, the unity of the faith
in the municipality was repaired. The memory of Lindl and his faithful ones was
not wiped out completely until today.
Footnotes and remarks:
1) Joseph Sedelmayer, Pfarrer Ignaz Lindl. ein Baustein zur
Geschichte des Pseudomystizismus in der
katholischen Kirche in Bayern
im 19. Jahrhundert. Manuskript im Archiv der Diözese Augsburg.
2) Compare note 1
3) Hildebrand Dussler. Der Nuntiaturbericht über die Sekte des Ignaz
Lindl vom 18. Juli 1819.
In: Jahrbuch des Vereins für Augsburger
Bistumsgeschichte 2 (1968). 129 ff.
4) Hildebrand Dussler. Johann Michael Feneberg und die Allgäuer
Erweckungsbewegung. Nürnberg 1959, 136 ff.-
Derselbe in: Lebensbilder aus dem
Bayerischen Schwaben 8 (1961), 328 ff.
5) Compare note 2
6) Pfarrarchiv Gundremmingen
7) Compare note 2. page 130.
8) Compare note 2. page 131.
9) Staatsarchiv Neuburg Bezirksamt Dillingen Akt-Nr. 1267
10) Compare notes 1 & 2.
11) Pfarrarchiv Gundremmingen
12) Joseph Sedelmayer. Pfarrer Ignaz Lindl, Compare note 1
13) Heinrich Roemmich. Ignaz Lindl. Ein Beitrag
zur Geschichte der
Deutschen Bessarabiens.
In: Die evangelische Diaspora. Nr. 14.
19 Beihefte
14) Georg Leibrand. Die Auswanderung aus Schwaben nach Rußland. 1816 – 1823. Stuttgart 1928
15) Josef Sedelmayer. Manuskript-Band s.o. Lindl
hatte für den
Abschied eine Predigt drucken lassen,
die jedoch von der Polizei
beschlagnahmt wurde.
16) Josef Sedelmayer. Manuskript-Band s.o.
17) Pfarrarchiv Gundremmingen
18) Georg Leibrandt. Die Auswanderung aus Schwaben nach Rußland 1816-1823.
19) Hildebrand Dussler. Johann Michael Feneberg
und die Allgäuer
Erweckungsbewegung Nürnberg 1959,
vergleiche Anmerkung
20) Georg Leibbrandt. Die Auswanderung aus
Schwaben nach Rußland
1816-1823, Stuttgart 1928;
Als Lindl noch Pfarrer in
Gundremmingen war,
hatte er beim Bayerischen Ministerpräsidenten
v. Montgelas die
Aufhebung des Zölibats beantragt.
21) Georg Leibbrandt, compare note 20.
22) fertile landscape between Dnjester, Pruth, Danube, Black Sea. 44422
square km. 3.1 million inhabitants (Romanian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian):
Capital Kischinew. Cultivation of wheat, corn, sunflowers, tobacco, fruit,
vineyards. Bessarabia 1367 was in Moldavia, 1503 it became Turkish, 1812
Russian. The south was 1856/78 Romanian, 1918 Bessarabia became completely
Romanian, 1940 Russian, 1941 Romanian, 1944 Russian. The German immigrants
from 1814-1842 were evacuated in 1940, approximately 80,000.
23) 1. free worship;
2.release from deliveries and all loads for 10 years;
3.after the free years the colonists had to pay for the next ten years
Dessj. 15 -20 Kop. control and later as much, as the other farmers settled in the area
concerned on Crown lands;
4. exception from the military and civil service;
5. the repayment of the funds put forward by the crown is to be
distrubuted on those the free years the following ten years;
6. each family receives 60 Dessj. land, free of charge;
7. from the day of the arrival at the Russian boundary up to reaching
the destination they receive 10 Kop. for each adult and 6 Kop. for
each child per day as garrison ration;
8. from the day of arrival at the place of address up to the new
harvest daily per heading 5-10 Kop. are eye paid depending upon food prices.
These funds are posted as debt and must be returned;
9. to the building of the houses and purchase of cattle etc. the
settlers receive an interest free loan from 300 rubles on the family;
10. into Russia they can bring their property duty free to the value of
300 rubles; additional goods to the sales in the value of 300 rubles;
11. whoever wants to leave Russia, has to except his debt, he has to
pay Russia three times a yearly tax. It is to create factories to operate
all kinds of trade and to join gilden everywhere in the empire in order to
sell their products. The willing emigrants were given the false promises:
Each family father gets a property with fields of 100 Jauchert (old field
measurement, about a German Tagwerk) and a two story bricked house at the
price of 600 guldens, and whoever is content with a one story house, should
pay 400 guldens, which are to be paid only in 10 years and in rates.
Also each family was promised to get as additional present: 2 oxen, 1 cow,
1 plow and a harrow and 1 spinning wheel; addditionally it was noted
that the settlement was a true paradise with twice the harvests.
24/25) Bay Staatsarchiv Neuburg. Bezirksamt Dillingen Nr. 1269 1/1V
26) Georg Leibbrandt, vergleiche Anmerkung 20.
27/28) Bavarian public records Neustadt, office for the district Dillingen NR. 1267, 1267/1
27/28) Bayerisches Staatsarchiv Neuburg. Bezirksamt Dillingen Nr. 1267, 1267 1.
29) In der bayerischen Note vom 11.7.1820 hieß es "Der schon vor
mehreren Jahren in Schwaben gewordene
Trieb zum Auswandern nach Rußland
wird seit einiger Zeit neuerdings durch fanatische Lehren und
Weissagungen
genährt, deren tätigste Verbreiter und Beförderer in den
den bayerischen Oberdonaukreis begrenzenden
württembergischen
Distrikten wohnen, ihre Wirksamkeit aber auf eine höchst gefährliche
und verderbliche Art
auch diesseits der Grenze äußern, wo besonders in
den Landkreisen Dillingen, Lauingen, Burgau, Günzburg der
Impuls zu
solchen Auswanderungen durch den vormaligen Pfarrer Lindl von
Gundremmingen gegeben worden,
welcher im Herbst vorigen Jahres selbst
nach Rußland gezogen, seitdem aber mit seinen älteren Freunden und
Anhängern in steter Verbindung zu dem Zwecke geblieben ist.
Die in dieser Beziehung dem königlichen bayerischen Ministerium
insbesondere namhaft gemachten königlich
württembergischen Untertanen
sind die Handelsleute Christian Friedrich Werner und Veyel von Giengen,
Brugget (Plouquet?) von Heidenheim, dann der Zollstationist Stille
(Nille?) in Brenz, deren letzter vorzüglich als
Verbreiter angeblicher
Briefe des Lindl aus Petersburg tätig ist, während die übrigen sich das
Ansehen geben,
durch russische Handelshäuser zu Geldvorschüssen an die
Auswanderer und zur Erleichterung ihres Fortkommens,
mittels
Realisierung und Übermachung ihres Vermögens angewiesen, und zu diesem
Zweck mit angesehenen
Autoritäten sogar in direktem Verkehr zu sein.
Diese Umtriebe, der kaiserlich russischen Regierung völlig unbekannt,
die dieselben höchst mißbilligt, welchen der in jenen Gegenden
früherhin durch den Pfarrer Lindl und seine
Anhänger verbreiteten
Mystizismus zum Vehikel dient, äußern bereits in Bezug auf das
öffentliche wie auf das
Familienleben die traurigsten und
bedenklichsten Wirkungen, indem junge Leute beiderlei Geschlechts gegen
den Willen ihrer Eltern zur Auswanderung gelockt, Hausväter zum
Verlassen ihrer Frauen und Kinder ermuntert
und selbst Soldaten zum
Verlassen ihres Vaterlandes unter der Vorspiegelung verführt werden,
daß der zu letzterer
geleistete Eid sie nicht abhalten dürfe, dem
inneren Rufe zu folgen." Vgl. hierzu: Georg Leibrand, a.a.O. (Anmerkung
20)
30) Joseph Sedelmayer. Mskr.-Band
31) Joseph Sedelmayer. Mskr.-Band
32) Heinrich Roemmich. Ignaz Lindl. In: magazine "The Evangelic world" No 14.
33) District court Dillingen 22 July 1822 and Pfarrarchiv Gundremmingen.
34/35) Georg Leibrandt, vergleiche Anmerkung 20
36/37) Heinrich Roemmich. Beihefte "Die
evangelische Diaspora" Nr.
14 Ignaz Lindl
=> to German Version
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ zur Biographie von Ignaz Lindl: Kirchenlexikon
(Deutsch) &
Religious Encyclopedia (English) Wikipedia: History of the founding of Sarata (in German) Sarata Village History by Elli Wise (in English)
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created 2002 by Edna and Ralf (Thanks to Edna, who did the great job to transcribe the German text!)